And, last night, during an interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, the U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon seem to give little hope for a resolution.

Amanpour pressed Ban, saying the U.N. keeps stating that the situation in the country is unacceptable, but “what is the plan B?” she asked. “What will be the absolute solution to stopping this carnage?”

“At this time, we don’t have any plan B,” Ban said. “The joint special envoy Kofi Annan has proposed six peace proposals, among which the complete cessation of violence is number one. Unfortunately, this has not been implemented while with the deployment of monitoring missions, we have seen some dampening effect.”

The interview came the same day that the U.N. issued a report that found both sides of the conflict were guilty of committing “gross human rights violations.” The report, however, found that the majority of violations were committed by the regime of President Bashar Assad. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

In April 2011, retired forestry official Fang Hong posted a scatological tweet, mocking a powerful Chinese politician, Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party secretary.

Fang had been critical of Bo in the past. But last year, he was fired up by what he considered the injustice of a court case taken against lawyer Li Zhuang, who’d been defending an alleged gangster during Bo’s clampdown against the mafia. In the heat of his outrage, Fang posted his tweet, which also mocked the powerful police chief, Wang Lijun.

After that, Fang went out to buy vegetables and didn’t think about the tweet. He estimates only around 90 people saw it that day. But despite its limited influence, that night he was summoned to the Fuling public security bureau and asked to delete the tweet, which he did.

The next day, more than 20 police officers came to his house to arrest him.

Fang believes he was an easy target for Bo Xilai. “I’m from Chongqing, so firstly, it’s easy to arrest me,” he told NPR over the telephone. “Secondly, he didn’t want any dissenting voices, especially officials. If you disagreed with him, he’d sack you. He was totally lawless. He wanted to impose red terror on the city.”

Without a trial, Fang was sent to a re-education-through-labor center for a year.

A Major Scandal

But things have changed dramatically in Chongqing in the past year.

Bo has fallen from power in China’s biggest political scandal in decades. His wife is suspected of murdering a British businessman. And his former police chief could be facing treason charges, according to Hong Kong media reports, after his attempt to seek asylum at a U.S. consulate.

And Fang Hong, who completed his time at the labor camp, has now filed a landmark case appealing his punishment, which could also shine a light on Bo’s reign.

When Fang was inside the camp, he worked for as many as 14 hours a day. Initially he made Christmas tree lights for export to Germany.

“A skilled worker at the company welds 4,300 lights a day, but we welded 6,500 lights a day each,” he says. “If you didn’t finish, you weren’t allowed to eat meat, buy cigarettes or sleep at night, and your sentence might be extended. We earned one U.S. dollar, 25 cents a month.”

Those who did not make their quota were sometimes even beaten, he says, with the pressure rising in the summer when orders had to be filled for export in time for Christmas. Later he made wiring for laptop computers.

He describes life inside the labor camp as riddled with corruption. Those with money paid the guards to get out of working. Prisoners say Police Chief Wang Lijun was seen as presiding over a police force that operated with impunity.

Prisoners Celebrate Police Chief’s Downfall

When news spread that Wang had fled to the U.S. consulate in the nearby city of Chengdu, there was jubilation.

“I told them Wang was committing treason,” says Fang, chuckling at the memory. “Everyone was jumping for joy because Wang was so cruel. Half the people in the camp were there for a year or two for fighting or disrupting social order. No knives or weapons were involved, so they felt it wasn’t fair.”

“They said that he deserved it,” Fang says. “He had himself to blame. He was given a taste of his own medicine.”

Fang’s son, 22-year-old Fang Di, who’d tried to help him, was sentenced to 14 months in detention for “abetting drug-taking,” a charge Fang says is false. Fang himself was released in April, after a year in labor camp. Despite everything, he doesn’t regret posting that tweet.

“Even though it made me lose my freedom for a while, it let people around the world see China’s human rights situation,” he says.

Fang says his son has no hard feelings, despite his own sentence.

“My son doesn’t blame me, and I don’t blame him,” he says. “Living in Chongqing under the reign of Bo Xilai and Wang Lijun was a time of red terror. Even if they had nothing on you, they could make something up and put you away for it.”

Filing An Appeal

Fang’s now lodged an appeal against the Re-education Through Labor Committee that sentenced him, and it has been accepted by the courts. This was a surprise, even to his lawyer. He’s arguing there’s no evidence that Fang “fabricated facts and disturbed public order,” as charged.

“This case touches upon the Internet, twitter and the freedom of speech,” says his lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, who believes it’s a landmark case. “It also takes in criticism of Bo and his anti-mafia campaign. It also touches upon the system of re-education through labor. In the context of China’s constitutional government, the significance of this tweet is huge.”

Pu wants to use this case to end the system of re-education-through-labor. He argues it’s a totalitarian tool, with no constitutional basis.

But he’s pragmatic about his chances. Bo Xilai may have fallen from power, Pu says, but China’s leaders and their factions answer to no one.

“One big problem is that Chinese politicians have no principles,” he says. “They don’t need to be responsible for their political credibility. They can do this today and the opposite tomorrow.”

This is a test case, the first known victim of Bo’s rule whose case has been accepted by the courts. How it’s handled could be a sign of whether the leadership will correct the excesses of the past.

But, with hundreds of other victims waiting in the wings, the danger is the court system could be flooded with claims. Even if Fang wins his case, his son still remains in police detention. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

From Cairo, NPR’s Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson cautions that officials are advising against “believing statements by groups claiming to know who won.” Official results aren’t due to be released until next Tuesday.

But The New York Times says that “several independent vote counts” signal that a runoff “appears almost certain to pit the two most polarizing figures against each other in a reversion to the decades-old power struggle between Egypt’s secular-minded military elite and its longstanding Islamist opposition.”

And the Times adds that “it was clear as early as Thursday night that a plurality of votes went to Mohamed Morsi, the American-educated engineer nominated by the Brotherhood.” Then, earlier today, it began to look as if “second place would go to Ahmed Shafik, a former Air Force general who briefly served as Mr. Mubarak’s last prime minister.” (Note: NPR follows Associated Press style — Shafiq — on the spelling of the former prime minister’s last name.)

According to The Associated Press, “exit polls by several Arab television stations also suggested the Brotherhood’s Morsi was ahead of the pack of 13 candidates.”

There will be a runoff, most likely over the two days of June 16-17, if no one candidate gets a majority the votes. Click here for a four-minute explanation of Egypt’s elections. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

When I first moved to Beijing in 1997, going to the movies wasn’t really an option. Many of the theaters were decades-old, the acoustics lousy and ticket prices too high — so high in fact that most Chinese didn’t go. To the degree I remember attending movies back then, I recall mostly sitting alone in the dark.

It was depressing.

Making matters worse, China had a strict quota and delay on Hollywood releases to protect its domestic film industry, so you couldn’t actually see what you wanted to anyway. It was easier to pick up a bootleg DVD on the street, even if it had been shot on a hand-held, video camera in a theater in Kuala Lumpur. The quality of those DVDs wasn’t very good — or so I was told. The audio often included people in the audience munching popcorn. Sometimes, the picture would be bscured by someone getting up to go the bathroom.

My wife, Julie, and I are avid movie-goers, so the only way we saw movies in theaters back then was when we traveled to other countries in Asia. It was so rare, it felt like an event. I remember seeing Gladiator in Seoul. Tomorrow Never Dies in Jakarta, Good Will Hunting on a lay-over in Singapore and Coyote Ugly (don’t ask) in Bangkok.

We left China in 2002 and returned last year to Shanghai for my job.

How things have changed.

While I was away, Chinese cinema companies went on a state-of-the-art, building boom. What was once barely an entertainment option is now a lot of fun and really expensive. A couple of weeks ago, we took our kids, Katie, 10, and Christopher, 8, to see The Avengers 3D on the IMAX screen at the renovated Peace Theater downtown. To get to the box office, you had to walk through a Hershey’s store, which the kids thought was a great idea.

The theater’s concession stand was limited: mostly bottled water and sweet popcorn. But the theater itself was great: stadium seating, assigned seats, three-story screen and English with Chinese sub-titles. During the opening credits, lots of people continued to text on their phones, but once the action began the audience seemed gripped.

The ticket price was a crushing $25 a pop (vs. about $12 for a 3D IMAX movie in Washington, D.C., according to Fandango), but the theater was nearly 90 percent full for a 5:20 show on a Friday evening. The experience was as good as anything you would find in a Western, post-industrial country and probably better than some.

Fifteen years ago, a scene like this in China was absolutely unthinkable. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

“If you want to be in this business in 2020, 2025, you must think about the Arctic,” says Konstantin Simonov, head of the National Energy Security Fund in Moscow.

In the past month, Moscow has signed several deals with foreign oil companies designed to maintain Russia’s position as the top producer. The most important deal, and the most lucrative, is a partnership between Exxon Mobil and Russian oil giant Rosneft.

Exxon Mobil could eventually spend half a trillion dollars to look for and extract oil and gas in the Russian Arctic. The investment is enormous, but so are the potential rewards.

Getting To The Arctic’s Reserves

“The reserves in the Russian Arctic are vast,” says Roland Nash, chief investment strategist for Verno Investment in Moscow. “Nobody quite knows how vast, but the numbers are enormous.”

Some estimates put the oil and gas reserves in Russia’s Arctic waters at 100 billion tons. According to Simonov, the deal with Exxon Mobil is a sign that Russia knows it needs international investment and technology to get to those reserves.

“Without foreign partners, for us it will be impossible to develop this area,” Simonov says. “It’s out of [the] question.”

The deal was signed on April 18 with Russian President Vladimir Putin looking on. It gives Exxon Mobil access to oil fields in the Black Sea and provides Russia some access to Exxon Mobil’s oil deposits in Texas, Canada and the Gulf of Mexico.

At the signing, Putin said Exxon Mobil also had the option to work in Russia’s north and south, as well as in other regions. Meanwhile, the Russians will soon start work with Exxon Mobil in the U.S. and Canada.

Changing Russia’s Reputation

In addition to the Exxon Mobil deal, Russia’s Rosneft recently signed smaller deals with Italian oil company Eni to go after oil in North Africa, and with Norway’s Statoil elsewhere in the Arctic.

But it hasn’t been easy for foreign oil companies to do business in Russia. BP had a similar deal with Rosneft that fell apart last year. According to Roland Nash, everyone knows about Russia’s troubled past with international oil companies.

“Signing the deal is Step 1,” Nash says. “Implementing the deal is a bigger step in some ways.”

So Russia has changed the game in favor of the oil giants. The government has eased the tax burden on Exxon Mobil and others looking for oil in the Arctic, making it a more attractive proposition.

And, according to Simonov, letting Rosneft in on energy deposits elsewhere in the world turns the Russian oil giant into an international player, helping it spread its risks. There are also potential political benefits.

“It’s like, you know, the logic of capitalism,” Simonov says. “If you are the shareholder of serious assets in Europe and the United States, maybe there will be more reason to have political dialogue also.”

Making Things Happen

The financial markets have reacted cautiously to the deal, given Russia’s checkered relations with international oil companies in the past. But Nash believes it’s a very good move by Exxon Mobil and by Russia.

“The real reason why Exxon Mobil should believe in this is because Russia really needs this investment. They recognize that without that investment, you’re not going to be able to maintain Russia as the world’s largest oil producer. You’re not going to be able to get this oil out of the ground in the Arctic,” he says. “When things are necessary in Russia, they tend to actually happen.”

But it won’t happen fast. Russia has a long-term deal with Exxon Mobil, and it’s unlikely that there will be any serious production from Russia’s soon-to-be explored Arctic waters until after 2020. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

But using American dollars has created a host of bizarre issues. The bills are filthy, crumbling and often in short supply. There are no U.S. coins to make change, so chocolate is handed out instead. There is, oddly, an abundance of $2 bills.

Restaurants often have trouble providing change. Customers who are finished and have paid their tabs with large bills sometimes have to wait for others to finish and pay with smaller bills so that change becomes available.

A World Of Currencies

Outside a shopping complex in downtown Harare, three women lean against a brick wall. They hold stacks of cash for people passing by to see.

One of these informal money changers, Satenda, has her 7-month-old daughter cradled in her arms. Yet she can change money in the currency of your choice: South Africa’s rand, Botswana’s pula, Zambia’s kwacha, Britain’s pounds or euros.

As Zimbabwe’s economy declined over the last decade, huge numbers of Zimbabweans spilled over the border to escape food shortages and to find jobs.

Many still live abroad and send money back to their families. Satenda and others trade that cash for U.S. dollars. She makes money by offering a slightly better exchange rate than banks.

On a good day, she can make $15 to $20. On a bad day, nothing.

But the first thing you notice about the U.S. bills she’s holding is that they are absolutely filthy. They look like they might disintegrate in her hands at any moment.

That’s because very few people have bank accounts, so the bills are constantly in circulation and rarely, if ever, exchanged for newer cleaner ones. They stay on the dusty streets, going from the fruit stand, to the guy selling phone cards on the corner, to money-changers like Satenda.

Some banks won’t accept the notes because they are in such poor condition, though the money exchangers almost always will.

Zimbabwe used to have the Zimbabwe dollar, but during the period of hyperinflation, the country found itself printing billion-dollar and even trillion-dollar notes. The biggest bill was for 100 trillion dollars — that’s a one followed by 14 zeroes.

All those bills are now worthless as legal tender, though some trillion-dollar notes have taken on an afterlife as souvenirs that can be sold for a small sum to collectors.

Today, everyone uses U.S. dollars, particularly in Harare and other northern parts of the country. In the south, near the border with South Africa, that country’s currency, the rand, is accepted in some places.

No Small Bills Or Coins For Change

Inside the shopping center, customers stand in line at a small grocery store. Brian Mbandule walks past the cash register empty-handed.

“I wanted to buy two cans of drinks, but they ain’t got no change for a 50,” he says.

Blessing Chivandile, the store manager, says this is a common problem. Keeping small bills in stock is difficult, especially on paydays, when people show up with larger denominations.

At the cash register, Chris Guruneta buys a bag of potato chips for 80 cents. He hands over a dollar bill. But instead of getting 20 cents back, he’s given two pieces of chocolate.

“We are forced to get sweets,” he says with a laugh.

It seems odd, but this kind of change is common in Zimbabwe. That’s because there are no U.S. coins. They’re heavy and expensive to import. So Chivandile says most stores offer small snacks instead.

“We give them sweets,” he says. Or, he adds, “They choose apples, bananas to cover the change.”

Guruneta, who makes just over $1 an hour at his manufacturing job, says it can be frustrating; he’d rather save the change. But he says most people have learned to tolerate the situation.

“We have been doing it for a very long time now,” he says. “So we are kind of understanding the situation we have in Zimbabwe.” [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

The Chinese company Wanda, one of that country’s leading cinema owners, is buying AMC Entertainment, North America’s second-largest movie theater company, for $2.6 billion.

When the agreement was announced in China this week, it did not make a lot of sense at first glance. At least for the buyer.

AMC is loaded with some $2 billion in debt, and movie theater attendance in North America was down 4 percent last year.

Wanda, meanwhile, owns 730 screens in China, the world’s fasting-growing movie market.

But analysts say there’s a logic behind Wanda’s move. Aiden Sun, a senior analyst with Entgroup, a Chinese entertainment research company, says Wanda also wants to push into movie production.

Buying an American cinema company would bring Wanda that much closer to Hollywood.

“They are talking now to some famous producers and distribution companies, not only in the U.S., but also globally,” he says. “And they want to cooperate with them to start co-production in China.”

A Wide Range Of Holdings

Movie theaters are just a small part of Wanda’s holdings. The company brings in $17 billion a year in revenue from nearly 50 shopping plazas, 40 department stores and more than two dozen five-star hotels.

But China’s property market is cooling. And analysts think Wanda may be looking to AMC as a base in the U.S. where it could buy up commercial real estate at bargain prices.

“Wanda’s strategy isn’t only to make a profit from its cinema investment,” says Gao Shouzhi, Entgroup’s CEO. “A bigger part of it is to take Wanda’s other businesses — like hotels — overseas through this channel. This is the idea behind its internationalization plan.”

The Communist Party is trying to improve China’s image abroad and wants to use culture — including movies — to do so.

Does that mean Wanda is looking to use AMC to mass export Chinese films?

Rob Cain, a Los Angeles movie producer and consultant who has lived and worked in China, doubts it.

“There’s no way Wanda is going to fill its screens with Chinese movies,” Cain says. “People just aren’t going to pay to see them.”

China’s ‘Soft Power’ Campaign

Chinese conglomerates, even private ones like Wanda, have close ties to the Communist Party. So, Cain says, Wanda might give a little push to China’s so-called “soft power” campaign and show the occasional Chinese film or travel ad.

“I can see smaller ways where they could be good, patriotic Chinese citizens to help China spread its message around the world,” Cain says.

Wanda’s purchase of AMC comes at a time of staggering growth in China’s movie theater business.

China has been adding about eight movie screens a day, according to Rance Pow, who runs Aristan Gateway, a cinema investment consultancy and research house with offices in Shanghai.

A Revolution In Chinese Cinemas

Pow says what’s driving that growth is rising incomes, better Chinese movies and new, state-of-the-art theaters.

“There is a whole generation of moviegoers now who are growing up with cinema as part of their life and with more dollars in their pockets to spend for fun,” Pow says. “They’re choosing to go to see the movies as a priority.”

The difference between going to see a movie 10 or 15 years ago in China versus today is dramatic. Back then, you’d go to an individual theater. Chances are it hadn’t been renovated in years; there were broken seats and a bad sound system.

At a Wanda cineplex today in Shanghai, there are 10 screens including an IMAX screen with stadium seating.

Shi Huihui is leaving a matinee of the Avengers 3-D with her husband and 3-year-old son, Chen Qiyu. Shi is in her 30s and works as an accountant. A decade ago, she says, she mostly watched movies on pirated DVDs.

“Now I normally go to the movies to watch blockbusters,” she says. “First, you can’t watch a 3-D movie at home. Second, you can’t get the experience of all this entertainment technology at home.”

More and more Chinese seem to feel the same way. Industry analysts expect China’s box office to top Japan’s this year to become the world’s second-largest.

China has about 10,000 screens — a little more than a quarter of the number in the U.S. That leaves a lot of room to grow. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

And when chocolate became scarce in Estonia and other Baltic states during a supply crisis in the 1970s, an enterprising company stepped into the breach with a substitute chocolate bar.

Today, the Kama bar is being revived for its pure nostalgia.

In tough economic times, people may cut out their morning coffee shop latte, but research shows there’s one treat which almost never gets banned from the budget – chocolate. In 2009, during the height of the recession, Hershey reported a 20 percent increase in profits. That’s because in a recession, there’s an even greater need for comfort food. Chocolate is often the ultimate reward.

But sometimes, it just wasn’t available. In 1976, a cocoa crisis threatened the world’s cocoa supply, causing prices to rise to almost five times current levels. The low supply and high prices made it inaccessible for countries within the Soviet Union, where foreign trade was centralized and states lacked buying power. “The Mideast oil crisis and high inflation rates were significant factors,” Michael Segal of the International Cocoa Organization tells The Salt. But also, he says, nations like Ghana who were big producers slowed down, and new markets like the Ivory Coast, were still immature.

Unbeknownst to many, Estonia’s only chocolate company, Kalev, had already been working on an alternative. In the 1960s, Kalev experimented with local Estonian flour, made up of rye, wheat, barley and peas, creating a faux chocolate bar. Otto Kubo, head of Kalev’s central lab, says the Estonian flour, called Kamarene, was used by peasants, who typically mixed it with sour milk or yogurt to make a refreshing summer drink that’s still consumed today.

Kalev’s workers mixed the Estonian flour with coffee, evaporated milk, sugar, cocoa powder and a few other ingredients to create the Kamatahvel, or Kama bar.

The Kama bar was popular mostly for its price — about half the cost of a chocolate bar — and its taste – sweet, but not quite as sweet as the real thing. And by the 1970s, it had found a market.

The Kama bar was the key to survival for both the Kalev company and anyone with a sweet tooth. Kalev pumped out Kama bars for Estonia and neighboring countries. As chocolate disappeared from the shelves, the Kama bar became the national snack.

But, in the 80s, when chocolate prices stabilized, Kama disappeared. Kubo believes after settling for the chocolate stand-in, Estonians simply longed for the real thing. The trend continued when in 1991, Estonians gained their independence. Kubo says Estonians preferred European chocolate from Belgium or Switzerland, so they stopped making the Kama bar.

It may not have the same addictive quality as its fine European counterparts, but the Kama bar has something else – a strong sense of nostalgia.

In 2001, after nearly twenty years off the assembly line, the Kama bars were brought back into production, thanks to growing demand from senior citizens and kids. For seniors, it represents a bygone era, for teenagers, it’s yellow and red retro packaging is a symbol of cool junk food. And it’s still cheap.

Kalev says Kama won’t be discontinued again anytime soon, especially since it’s the company’s fourth most popular product. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

This is the Filadelfia congregation, a Lutheran group. They are ethnic Bataks from the neighboring island of Sumatra who have migrated to Bekasi, and they have been blocked from holding services on several occasions. Recently, a journalist who demonstrated in support of the congregation was beaten by an angry mob.

Indonesia is the world’s most populous Muslim majority nation and has drawn praise for its evolution into a vibrant democracy. It’s a country of more than 17,000 islands, with more than 300 ethnic groups who speak about 740 languages. But recent cases of persecution of religious minorities have led some to question whether Indonesia is still living up to its reputation for pluralism and tolerance.

The persecuted include atheists as well as minority Muslim sects, such as the Shia and Ahmadiyya. Hundreds of churches have been closed in recent years, including, most recently, 17 house churches this month in Aceh, the only province in Indonesia where Shariah, or Islamic law, is in effect.

Riot Police Intervene

Back in Bekasi, the standoff is getting tense. Truckloads of riot police arrived on the scene beforehand, but do nothing to separate the Christians and Muslims. Congregation leader Rev. Palti Panjaitan negotiates with security forces to let them pass.

“If my brothers here are the killing type, then I am ready to be killed,” he says quietly. “That’s it! Tell the police I am ready to be killed right here. If it’s a riot you’re worried about, then arrest the rioters, not me.”

The congregation is headed to pray in an empty lot where they have been barred from building a church. Outside the lot, signs say Muslims are ready to wage jihad, or holy war, against the Christian group. Muslim resident Irwan Taufik, blames the Christians for the confrontation. He says rejecting infidels is a legitimate form of jihad.

“Indonesia is famous for its harmony,” he says, wearing an embroidered shirt and a black felt cap. “But the Christians should have gathered the community leaders and clerics together and asked us, ‘Can we worship and build a church here?’ But if in fact the people are not willing and reject the request, then why must they insist?”

The police warn the Christians that they can no longer guarantee their safety, and the Christians relent, turning their motorcycles around and heading home.

An Intolerant Minority

Panjaitan complains that even though his congregation has fulfilled all the requirements, the local government in Bekasi will not grant it permission to build a church.

He says they won’t even obey a Supreme Court ruling affirming their right to build it. He adds that Muslims and Christians usually get along fine here, but hard-line Islamist groups have been stirring up confrontation.

“The majority of the Muslims here are tolerant, but they are easily influenced by the intolerant,” he says. “Actually, tolerant people in Indonesia are in the majority, but they are passive. I wish they would be more active and say ‘no’ to the intolerance which is now increasing in Bekasi.”

Panjaitan particularly blames the militant Islamic Defenders Front, which, according to police records, has been involved in 34 cases of violence and destruction in the past two years.

Last week, the front persuaded authorities to deny a permit for Lady Gaga to perform in Jakarta. The week before, it disrupted a speech by liberal Canadian Muslim author Irshad Manji. Manji was assaulted and a member of her staff was injured. Manji says this has changed her view of Indonesia since her last trip here in 2008.

“Four years ago, I held a book launch here that attracted both ultraconservative Muslims and Muslim transsexuals, and each of them had their say,” she recalls. “And four years later, the center of Islamic pluralism has become just another cesspool of intimidation.”

Elaine Pearson, deputy director of the Asia Division at the New York-based Human Rights Watch, says Indonesia’s backsliding on religious tolerance reflects a weak rule of law, which results in impunity for those who persecute religious minorities. This, in turn, creates a climate of fear among ordinary Indonesians.

“Even senior government officials have shown quite openly that they protect groups like the Islamic Defenders Front,” Pearson says. “They’re very powerful, they’re very influential, and people don’t really want to be seen as working against them.”

Raising Old Worries

Since the birth of the Indonesian nation in 1945, there have always been doubts about whether such a disparate collection of peoples and cultures could actually hold together.

The problem of intolerance raises this question once again. Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has appealed to the public for tolerance, but he has declined to intervene on behalf of minorities.

Barred from holding their Sunday service in Bekasi, the Filadelfia congregation troops into downtown Jakarta. They set up a generator, speakers and an electric keyboard. Then they pray, sing and protest, right across the street from the presidential palace. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]

That would indicate the two days’ worth of talks that just concluded in Baghdad were at least productive enough for the parties to agree they can continue. The New York Times says that there were “no clear signs of progress.” But one unnamed U.S. official told the newspaper that “we’re getting to things that matter. Even if we disagree on the shape, we think there is the beginning of a negotiation.”

Iran, which says its nuclear ambitions do not include the development of atomic weapons, has been under increasing economic pressure from the U.S. and other world powers. They want Iran to open up its nuclear programs for inspection and to give up any effort to enrich uranium to anything near weapons-grade.

The so-called P5+1 talks have put Iran on one side of the table, across from representatives from the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council (China, France, Russia, the U.K. and the U.S.) and Germany.

As NPR’s Peter Kenyon reported earlier today on Morning Edition, the talks are almost surely going to be long and hard.

According to the AP, the news about more talks in Russia on June 18-19, “caps two days of negotiations in Baghdad where at times it appeared Tehran would withdraw from the talks in frustration over the West’s refusal so far to scale back tough economic sanctions on Iran.”

Update at 1:30 p.m. ET. “Sound, But Unfinished”:

From Baghdad, NPR’s Peter Kenyon reports that negotiators say the talks went into “levels of substance” beyond what was expected, and that Iran’s representative said they were “sound, but unfinished.” [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio]